[To be added: German’s People’s Party, Economic Party]
Excerpts from Otto Wagener’s memoirs
Hitler, Memoirs of a Confidant, p.g. 210:
Let us begin on the right, with the conservatives, who nowadays call themselves German Nationalists. In large sections of the country they are the intruders, the immigrants, the colonizers, the conquerors, wishing unconditionally to preserve their ruling relationship to the indigenous population. The father we move into the eastern part of Germany, the more strongly does this claim to domination become evident. Without a doubt, these people’s ancestors were once pioneers of the German character and bearers of a higher and superior Western culture. Owners of landed estates and large farms, the aristocracy, tradition-bound officialdom, and the representatives of the Protestant Church support this party. In the economic sector, it draws on those who are in a position to derive their capital assets from old landed property.
Memoirs of a Confidant, p.g. 216-218
Rienzi was betrayed by the conservatives, by the aristocracy, by the important owners of land and industry, to whom he had extended the hand of friendship.
Hitler, Memoirs of a Confidant, p.g. 210:
Next come the German People’s Party, the Economic Party, and the Home-owners’ Party, a swarm of ants scurrying busily back and forth from morn till night along the paths of business, occasionally pausing to exchange a word, before scurrying on, sometimes bearing heavy loads–at the very least a briefcase that contains, along with a sandwich and toilet paper, wholly useless papers…
Hitler, Memoirs of a Confidant, p.g. 210:
Then we have the Center Party: those people who have kept the servile slave mentality inculcated during the period that lasted from Roman military despotism to Ultramontane papal dominance. Precisely as the German Nationals allow us to recognize the Germanic will to rule and the spirit of Protestantism against dogmatization of faith and the stiffing of conscience, so we see here those people and tribes that were gradually trained in passive obedience to authority under Sundanese and other legions. These same people automatically obeyed the cardinal’s or bishop’s miter worn by a papal legate, replacing the war helmet of the centurion. The limes is the geographical border of the Center Party’s power. Such true warriors as might have survived in this region was killed or banished from the land by inquisitions and witch burnings. This party is not, therefore, a group of proud German men with political convictions and intellectual orientation. Rather, it is the large, subservient herd of Rome’s sheepfold–grown unfree by virtue of its history.
[Hitler, Table Talk (Cameron & Stevens), February 3-4, 1942:
There are towns in Germany from which all joy is lacking. I’m told that it’s the same thing in certain Calvinistic regions of Switzerland.
In Trier and Freiburg, women have addressed me in so ignoble a fashion that I cannot make up my mind to repeat their words. It’s on such occasions that I become aware of the depth of human baseness. Clearly, one must not forget that these areas are still feeling the weight of several centuries of religious oppression.
Near Würzburg, there are villages where literally all the women were burned. We know of judges of the Court of the Inquisition who gloried in having had twenty to thirty thousand “witches” burned. Long experience of such horrors cannot but leave indelible traces upon a population.
For several decades previously the German Social Democrats had been
agitating in an underhand and knavish way for war against Russia, whereas the
German Centre Party, with, religious ends in view, had worked to make the
Austrian State the chief centre and turning-point of German policy.]
Hitler, Memoirs of a Confidant, p.g. 211:
Now I come to the Democrats. Once more, a racial stratum: the Jews and the artificial Jews. For every single Democrat of this party orientation is actually nothing but an artificial Jew.
This party, which has absolutely no right to be called ‘democratic,’ has international connections and international interests. It exploits the label of democracy to conceal the lack of any national idea. The concept ‘Volk’ is something these people despise, something they consider either petty bourgeois or chauvinist, even militaristic. All these three characteristics are attacked and contemptuously rejected by the Democratic Party. And yet, they are only slogans they themselves have invented for whatever they, in their spiritual and moral decay, lack and therefore attack. They speak of themselves as Europeans and cosmopolitans, they claim Goethe for themselves. Actually, they seem to me nothing more than a stinking abscess within the Volk, living off the work and diligence of the Volk, as it were. They exploit for their own aims and ends the achievements of the Volk in every sphere.
Most of them are half-castes, to the second or third degree, mixed not only with Jews, but also with every possible bloodline of other nations and continents.
[Hitler, Table Talk (Cameron & Stevens), December 1, 1941:
It is remarkable that the half-caste Jew, to the second or third generation, has a tendency to start flirting again with pure Jews. But from the seventh generation onwards, it seems the purity of the Aryan blood is restored. In the long run nature eliminates the noxious elements.
Nature generally takes certain measures to correct the effect which racial inter-breeding produces. She is not much in favour of the mongrel. The earlier products of interbreeding have to suffer bitterly, especially the third, fourth and fifth generations.
Hitler, Table Talk (Cameron & Stevens), July 1, 1942:
Freiherr von Liebig has always been regarded as an ardent nationalist, and it was as such that he was brought to my attention. When I met him, however, I was repelled by the fellow’s undeniable Jewish appearance. I was nevertheless repeatedly assured that in the family tree of the Freiherr, which went very far back, there was no vestige of non-Aryan ancestry. And now, by pure chance, we have found out that one of the Freiherr’s ancestors, born at Frankfurt-On-Main in 1616, was a pure, hundred per cent Jew! And so, although more than three hundred years separate the present Freiherr from his Jewish ancestor, and although with this one exception all his ancestors were pure Aryans, he nevertheless has all the unmistakable racial characteristics of the Jew.
This confirms the opinion I have already expressed when speaking about the Englishman, Cripps, that all half-caste families—even if they have but a minute quantity of Jewish blood in their veins—produce regularly, generation by generation, at least one pure Jew. Roosevelt affords the best possible proof of the truth of this opinion.]
But they dominate the banking system and the corporate and trust system, they control the best and most immediate connections to foreign countries, and they prove their contempt for Germans by constantly pointing out how the British do it and what the Americans consider to be right, and what is bad, inferior, proletarian, and simply ‘typically German’ about the Germans. And they unconditionally cling to Jewish leadership.
Thank God the overwhelming mass of the German Volk has a finely attuned sense for who counts himself among the Volk and who distances himself from it.
Hitler, November 8, 1943 speech:
Thank God, the German Volk, as I have come to know it in its mass of different individuals, is strong and thoroughly healthy.
That is why this party has no support whatever among the people. It has such support only outside the Volk. On the basis of this realization, the grand master of these aliens also decided to change their name. Nowadays they call themselves the State Party. This change is quite in line with their thinking. For as far as they are concerned, the state is not the organization for the self-administration of a people, but simply a management which, for reasons of economic prosperity, seeks to conclude pacts consolidating interests with other managements. They pursue this aim with greater zeal than they devote to concern about their own followers, their joys and sorrows, their high points and their future.
[Hitler, Triumph of the Will:
It is our nation’s greatest misery that moved us, united us in struggle, and made us fight strong, and all of those who have not suffered with me the very same misery and suffering among their own people cannot comprehend what we feel. To them, it is confusing and incomprehensible that this assembly would bring hundreds of thousands together and make them endure great misery, suffering and privation as a simple order of the State. They can only think that such a thing could only be possible at the command order of the State. They are gravely mistaken. It is not the State that orders us; but it is we who order the State! It is not the State that created us, it is we who created the State!
Henry T. Laurency ():
The state is no god and lacks the right to order people to think in a certain way. The individual does not exist for the state, but the state exists for the individual. Nations that fight those axioms are in the power of the black lodge.]
But some of the sons of these men, the young people, are nevertheless influenced by national events and turn with loathing from their fathers. School, sports, and youth movements bring them into contact with the sons of German-thinking parents. In this way, an exodus soon makes itself felt.
Although these qualities were disappearing more and more in the younger generation, owing to the all-pervading influence of the big city, yet among the younger generation also, there were many who were fundamentally sound and who were able to maintain themselves uncontaminated amid the sordid surroundings of their everyday existence.]
The party leaders therefore applied their mechanical thinking to seeking a means to offer the young people similar advantages as are available, for example, in the SA or the Stahlhelm or the Rotfront. So they assumed financing and leadership of the Reichsbanner Black, Red, Gold along with the whole Order of Young Germany.
Hitler, Memoirs of a Confidant, p.g. 212:
Now I come to the Social Democrats. That is where we find the great mass of the decent, striving, industrious German Volk from all tribes and levels. These are the people I have taken so much to my heart, whom I love, with whom I feel at one, closely united down to the last fiber; to them I have given my life and my strength, my work, my will, my hope, and my faith!
In the Social Democratic Party, the racially purest and best German people live side by side. Unfortunately, as I said, under the wrong leaders. But that is not their fault!
The purest Aryans by descent and disposition are seldom Antisemites, although they are often unpleasantly moved by some of the peculiar Jewish traits; they cannot in the least understand the Antisemite movement, and are, in consequence of their defence of the Jews, often called Philosemites; and yet these persons writing on the subject of the hatred of Jews, have been guilty of the most profound misunderstanding of the Jewish character.
Hitler, Memoirs of a Confidant, p.g. 213:
And now, lastly, the Communists. Their members, too, are in large part simply deluded.
We find three groups that, almost without exception, come from the stratum of the indigenous population – that is, the dispossessed.
They are, one, the idealists. They dream of something splendid, but either their feet are not firmly on the ground or they are stupid.
The Pan-German movement was unsuccessful because the leaders did not grasp the significance of that truth. They saw the goal clearly and their intentions were right, but they took the wrong road. Their action may be compared to that of an Alpine climber who never loses sight of the peak he wants to reach, who has set out with the greatest determination and energy, but pays no attention to the road beneath his feet. With his eye always fixed firmly on the goal, he does not examine or notice the nature of the ascent, and finally he fails.]
Then, two, there are the desperate. They see no possibility of bringing about a genuine life community for the Volk, and they hope for a final rescue from the international struggle of the proletariat against the ruling classes, with the aim of removing them.
But Spengler, in his time-ahead thinking, as a shearer and interpreter of the downfall of Western culture, paid little attention to the unpredictable. So he overlooked the possible overcoming of the turmoil and thus the formation of a new community of the people. This community wants and will manifest itself in the building because it recognizes the inadequacy of its spatially unformed environment. She sees the disorder, the chaotic, and sets the demands and the standards of conscious national and social obligation.]
And three, there are the racially degenerate who, if they had any property, would have joined the Democratic Party. As it is, they look on themselves as unappreciated geniuses, as neglected, and as pariahs; therefore, they have become nihilists and criminals.
The first two of these groups can be rehabilitated. By nature they really have good characters; they have simply fallen prey to either their ideology or their history. The last group consists of the dregs that can be found everywhere in life. It need not itself be to blame for its degeneracy. It can be the victim of other’s fault, even of the fathers. But it is of no use to the struggle for reconstruction. It can only destroy, demolish. Later on, we will have to see how this group can be incorporated and possibly restored to the community after all. Solving our problem of acquiring the right to property through work can win them all back. For this problem represents the solution of the socialist question and at the same time the redemption of those who feel eternally damned.
That is how I see the parties of today’s Germany from the racial standpoint.
Chapter IX German Workers’ Party
I gradually discovered that the Social Democratic press was mainly controlled by Jews, but I did not attach special importance to this circumstance, for the same was true of other newspapers.
In this connection there was, however, one striking fact, namely, that there was not a single newspaper with which Jews were connected that could be spoken of as ‘national’ in the sense that I, with my education and convictions, used that word.
Making an effort to overcome my natural reluctance, I tried to read articles published in the Marxist press. However, as my aversion increased tenfold, I set about learning something of the people who wrote and published this mischievous stuff—from the publisher downwards, all of them were Jews!
I got hold of as many Social Democratic pamphlets as I could and looked up the names of the authors—Jews all!
I noted the names of nearly all their leaders and most of them belonged to the chosen race, whether they were members of the Reichsrat (Imperial Council), trade-union secretaries, chairmen of various organisations or street agitators.
Everywhere the same sinister picture presented itself. I shall never forget the list of names—Austerlitz, David, Adler, Ellenbogen, and others.
One fact became quite evident to me, namely, that this alien race held in its hand the leadership of that Social Democratic Party with whose minor representatives I had been disputing for months past. I was happy at last to know for certain that the Jew was not a German.
The Pan-German movement was unsuccessful because the leaders did not grasp the significance of that truth. They saw the goal clearly and their intentions were right, but they took the wrong road. Their action may be compared to that of an Alpine climber who never loses sight of the peak he wants to reach, who has set out with the greatest determination and energy, but pays no attention to the road beneath his feet. With his eye always fixed firmly on the goal, he does not examine or notice the nature of the ascent, and finally he fails.
The manner in which the great rival of the Pan-German party set out to attain its goal was quite different. The way it took was well and shrewdly chosen, but it did not have a clear vision of the goal. On almost all points where the Pan-German movement failed, the policy, of the Christian Socialist party was correct and systematic. They assessed the importance of the broad masses correctly and gained their support by emphasising the social character of the movement from the very start. By directing their appeal especially to the lower middle class and the artisans, they gained adherents who were faithful, persevering and self-sacrificing. The Christian-Socialist leaders took care to avoid all controversy with religious institutions and thus they secured the support of that mighty organisation, the Catholic Church. The leaders recognised the value of propaganda on a large scale and they were veritable virtuosos in working up the spiritual instincts of the broad masses of their adherents.
The failure of this party to carry into effect the dream of saving Austria from dissolution, must be attributed to two main defects in the means they employed, and also to the lack of a clear perception of the ends they wished to reach.
The anti-Semitism of the Christian-Socialists was based on religious, instead of racial, principles. The reason for this mistake also gave rise to the second error. The founders of the Christian-Socialist party were of the opinion that they could not base their attitude on the racial principle if they wished to save Austria, because they felt that a general disintegration of the State might quickly result from the adoption of such a policy.
In the opinion of the party chiefs, the situation in Vienna demanded that all factors which tender to estrange the nationalities from one another should be carefully avoided and that all factors making for unity should be emphasised. At that time Vienna was so honeycombed with foreign elements, especially Czech, that the greatest amount of tolerance was necessary if these elements were to be enlisted in the ranks of any party that was not anti-German on principle. If Austria was to be saved, those elements were indispensable, and so attempts were made to win the support of the small traders, a great number of whom were Czechs, by combating the liberalism of the Manchester School. The leaders believed that by adopting this attitude they had found a slogan against Jewry which, because of its religious implications, would unite all the different nationalities which made up the population of the old Austria.
It was obvious, however, that this kind of anti-Semitism did not trouble the Jews very much. If the worst came to the worst, a few drops of baptismal water would settle the matter, whereupon the Jew could still carry on his business safely and at the same time retain his Jewish entity.
On such superficial grounds it was impossible to deal with the whole problem in an earnest and rational way. The consequence was that many people could not understand this kind of anti-Semitism and therefore refused to take part in it. The attractive force of the idea was thus restricted exclusively to narrow-minded circles, because the leaders failed to go beyond the mere emotional appeal and did not ground their position on a truly rational basis. The intellectuals were opposed to such a policy on principle. It looked more and more as if the whole movement were a new attempt to proselytize the Jews or, on the other hand, as if it were merely organised from a wish to compete with other contemporary movements. Thus the struggle lost all traces of having been organised for a spiritual and sublime mission. Indeed, it seemed to some people—and these were by no means worthless elements—to be immoral and reprehensible. The movement failed to awaken a belief that here there was a problem of vital importance for the whole of humanity, on the solution of which the destiny of the whole non-Jewish world depended. Through this shilly-shallying way of dealing with the problem, the anti-Semitism of the Christian-Socialists turned out to be quite ineffective. It was anti-Semitic only in outward appearance which was worse than if it had made no pretence at all to anti-Semitism, for the pretence gave rise to a false sense of security among people who believed that the enemy had been brought to bay, but, as a matter of fact, these people themselves were being led by the nose. The Jew readily adjusted himself to this form of anti-Semitism and found its continuance more profitable to him than its abolition would have been. This whole attitude led to great sacrifices being made for the sake of that State which was composed of many heterogeneous nationalities, but much greater sacrifices had to be made by the representatives of the German element. It was impossible to adopt a ‘nationalist’ attitude for fear of losing the foothold gained in Vienna itself. It was hoped that the Habsburg State might be saved by a silent evasion of the nationalist question, but it was this very policy that brought that State to ruin. The same policy also led to the collapse of Christian Socialism, for thus the movement was deprived of the only source of energy from which a political party can draw the inner driving force it needs.
During those years I carefully followed the two movements and observed how they developed, one because my heart was with it, and the other, because of my admiration for that remarkable man who then appeared to me bitterly symbolic of the whole German population in Austria. When the imposing funeral cortège of the dead Burgomaster wound its way from the City Hall towards the Ring Strasse, I stood among the hundreds of thousands who watched the solemn procession pass by. As I stood there I felt deeply moved, and my instinct told me that the work of this man had been all in vain, because a sinister Fate was inexorably leading this State to its downfall. If Dr. Karl Lueger had lived in Germany he would have been ranked among the great leaders of our people. It was a misfortune for himself and for his work that he had to live in this impossible State. When he died, the fire had already been kindled in the Balkans and was spreading month by month. Fate had been merciful in sparing him the sight of what, even to the last, he had hoped to prevent.
I endeavoured to analyse the cause which rendered one of these movements futile and wrecked the progress of the other. The result of this investigation was the profound conviction that, apart from the inherent impossibility of consolidating the position of the State in the old Austria, the two parties made the following fatal mistake.
The Pan-German party was perfectly right in its fundamental ideas regarding the aim of the movement, which was to bring about a German renascence, but it was unfortunate in its choice of means. It was nationalist, but unfortunately it paid too little heed to the social problem, and thus it failed to gain the support of the masses. Its anti-Jewish policy, however, was grounded on a correct perception of the significance of the racial problem and not on religious principles, but it was a mistake, and wrong from a tactical point of view to make war on one religious denomination.
The Christian-Socialist movement had only a vague conception of a German revival as part of its object, but it was intelligent and fortunate in the choice of means to carry out its policy as a party. The Christian-Socialists grasped the significance of the social question, but they adopted the wrong principles in their struggle against Jewry, and they utterly failed to appreciate the power of the national idea.
Had the Christian-Socialist party, apart from its shrewd estimate of the value of the broad masses, also gauged correctly the importance of the racial problem (which was properly grasped by the Pan-German movement) and had this party been really nationalist, or if the Pan-German leaders, on the other hand, in addition to their correct handling of the Jewish problem and of the national idea, had adopted the practical standpoint of the Christian-Socialist Party, and particularly their attitude towards Socialism—then a movement would have developed which, in my opinion, might even at that time have successfully altered the course of German history.
If things did not turn out thus, the fault lay for the most part in the character of the Austrian State. I did not find my own convictions upheld by any party then in existence, and so I could not bring myself to enlist as a member in any of the existing organisations or even lend a hand in their struggle. Even at that time all those organisations seemed to me to be already jaded in their energies and were therefore incapable of bringing about a really profound and not merely superficial national revival of the German people.